If you walked down the corridor of an Israeli court in 2014 or 2015, you were almost guaranteed to bump into an elected official on trial. There had never been such a parade of senior figures traipsing through the country’s courtrooms: then-prime minister Ehud Olmert and Jerusalem Mayor Uri Lupolianski were on trial in the so-called Holyland Affair, while Shlomo Lahiani, Zohar Oved, Yitzhak Rochberger, Zvi Bar, Shimon Gapso and Avner Mori – the mayors of Bat Yam, Tiberias, Ramat Hasharon, Ramat Gan, Upper Nazareth and the Merhavim Regional Council respectively – were all facing criminal charges. Some were charged with taking bribes, others with fraud and breach of trust. They were all convicted in the end.

During the years of investigation that preceded charges against them, these senior figures were repeatedly questioned by officials from the police’s National Fraud Unit. Along with them, many other elected officials and civil servants were summoned to the interview rooms, as part of investigations and inquiries which did not, in all cases, lead to indictments.

A decade later, the parade of suspects being grilled by police has dwindled – along with the number of investigations into suspicions of public corruption. Where there were still a few convictions, including those of former ministers Faina Kirschenbaum and Stas Misezhnikov, in 2021, investigations over the past three years by the National Fraud Unit have led to just a handful of indictments for these kinds of crimes. In some cases, the charges relate to historic crimes. One example of this is the recent investigation into Tzachi Hanegbi, the head of the National Security Council, over suspicions that he received a bribe in 2017. In the case of the conviction of former minister Yaakov Litzman, it is hard to describe his offense as a white-collar crime, since he was convicted of trying to obtain a psychiatric opinion that would prevent the extradition to Australia of convicted sex offender Malka Leifer. The former Minister of Health was convicted of fraud and breach of trust.

The marked decrease in the number of white-collar investigations is reflected in the official figures. While the Israel Police did not share with Shomrim data from the past two years, claiming that there was “a problem obtaining it,” a study conducted in 2023 by Eran Kamin, the former deputy head of the National Fraud Unit, as part of his doctoral studies, found an unequivocal downward trend in the number of investigations opened into these crimes. In 2008, the National Fraud Unit launched 39 investigations into suspicions of breach of trust, while in 2021 just three such cases were opened and in 2022 there was not a single one. The same goes for bribery investigations: in 2008 there were 19, in 2021 just one and three in 2022.

In the absence of official police data, Shomrim turned to open-source information and spoke with officials familiar with the issue. Shomrim found that in 2023 and 2024, too, only a handful of such cases were opened. Regarding bribery investigations, the most notable cases include the aforementioned probe into Hanegbi, as well as the case involving former Head of the Israeli Bar Association Effi Naveh and former Tel Aviv District Court Judge Eitan Orenstein.

There have also been some fresh investigations launched of late, but what they all have in common is that they are the result of probes by journalists, which forced the police to act. The investigation into alleged improprieties in the distribution of gun permits by the Ministry of National Security under Itamar Ben-Gvir was the result of an article in Haaretz, while a report by Channel 13, prompted police to look into the conduct of Minister of Transportation  Miri Regev. Haaretz also published a story about the Ministry of Foreign Affairs illicitly issuing diplomatic passports while Eli Cohen was minister, while Channel 12 broadcast recordings of Hani Bliveis, a longtime close aide to the prime minister and his wife, which led to an investigation into Sara Netanyahu over suspicions that she interfered with a police inquiry and harassed Hadas Klein, a key witness in one of the criminal cases against her husband.

"The head of the National Fraud Unit plays a crucial role in shaping how the department operates. In the past, this position was held by independent figures. The unit was even referred to as belonging to the attorney general or the prosecution because it handled so many high-profile investigations," says Kamin."The commanders were bold, proactive. But the National Fraud Unit has been left to wither—especially when it comes to who is appointed to lead it. And for the few superintendents who still have some fight in them, the current climate makes it nearly impossible to conduct meaningful investigations."

"The National Fraud Unit has been left to wither—especially when it comes to who is appointed to lead it," says Eran Kamin. "The current climate makes it nearly impossible to conduct meaningful investigations."

White collar – out

The erosion of the National Fraud Unit is not just a question of dry statistics. The people best placed to testify to the state of the unit – and perhaps what is happening in other units that investigate white-collar crime – are the senior defense attorneys who work in the field. It might be awkward for them to do so, but senior attorneys who spoke to Shomrim openly say – on the record – that the National Fraud Unit is barely doing any work and that there are no more public corruption cases. Among them are prominent litigators and jurists like Navot Tel-Zur, Yael Grossman, Eitan Maoz and Sassy Gez. They all agreed that there has been a change in how the law-enforcement authorities act – and they are feeling it in terms of the amount of work their offices are getting.

“Let me put it simply for you: there is no work. What happened to investigations into mayors’ conduct, or members of planning and construction committees? What happened to probes into tenders and economic crimes in general?” asked Tel-Zur, one of Israel’s leading white-collar defense lawyers, who has represented former Prime Minister Olmert, former Ministers Aryeh Dery, and Benjamin Ben-Eliezer, the former head of the Tax Authority, Jackie Matza, and many other senior figures. “It doesn’t seem reasonable to me that white-collar crimes no longer exist. And I did not witness a massive increase in enforcement in recent years. I understand the argument that, since the outbreak of the war, police have been busy with investigations connected to October 7 and I am not downplaying that – but I think that, in general, the police has lost its fighting spirit. It’s disappeared – as it has in the State Prosecutor's Office, the Israel Securities Authority, and all the other enforcement bodies.”

Tel-Zur, who was the long-term legal partner of top defense attorney Ram Caspi, says that ever since Justice Minister Yariv Levin launched his judicial overhaul, he has rejected requests from politicians seeking to hire his services. He says, for example, that he opted not to represent ministers Shlomo Karai and David Amsalem, who sought to hire a private attorney as part of their efforts to dismiss the chairman of the Postal Authority, Mishael Vaknin, after Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara refused to represent them. There were other cases, he adds.

“The David Bitan case, for example, started as an investigation into local corruption in relation to a tender and contractors from earthworks and infrastructure companies were questioned. Have these kinds of things just stopped? It doesn’t make sense that there are fewer crimes of this kind. And it’s not as if enforcement has been increased to create deterrence. I have no empirical basis for the claim, but this situation is certainly evident,” he adds.

"I understand the argument that, since the outbreak of the war, police have been busy with investigations connected to October 7 and I am not downplaying that – but I think that, in general, the police has lost its fighting spirit," says Tel-Zur

Shockwaves from the judicial coup

Yael Grossman is one of the top white-collar defense attorneys in Israel, specializing in money-laundering cases. She has been practicing for more than 30 years and has represented clients in the Holyland affair, the Bank Hapoalim laundering case and several cases involving mayors. According to her, the situation today is dire.

“Investigations in Israel into political corruption have dropped to the bare minimum and one could even say that they are not happening,” she says. “As defense attorneys, we should probably be happy that there are no investigations, but it’s obvious that corruption hasn’t disappeared. What has changed is the approach of the authorities to the issue.” She, too, points the finger of blame at the government’s judicial overhaul, saying that “the shockwaves sent through the democratic principles of the country are, in the end, felt in the enforcement bodies.” She adds that the State Prosecution is also experiencing a brain drain, “with a lot of good people leaving, a significant number of whom because of the sense that the wind is being taken out of the sails of the very body that is supposed to protect good governance.”

Another senior attorney, speaking on condition of anonymity, agrees. “The collapse of the police in this regard is undeniable,” he says. “There are investigators within law enforcement who need their work to be recognized and valued. They need to be patted on the back whenever there’s a successful investigation. When that doesn’t happen, they don’t have the same level of motivation as they used to. The damage is massive; it makes me want to cry just talking about it. Lawyers who specialize in money laundering or other financial crimes are the lucky ones, because they can still make a living in that field. But, in general, a lawyer who works in white-collar crime has suffered a serious income setback. The profession is collapsing, even if people don’t like to talk about it and won’t admit it.”

Eitan Maoz, who has represented clients in several bribery cases, including the Holyland affair and the trial of former judge Dan Cohen, is more hesitant to admit that the profession has taken a hit. “Factually, it’s true that there are fewer cases. I see less and less things happening and what was investigated two years ago does not come to fruition,” he says. “The general downturn is being felt not only in the police and the prosecution, but in the Securities Authority and the Competition Authority. In the past, there were many scandals involving market manipulation, insider trading and so on. If you pay attention, you’ll see how few of them now end in an indictment. The Competition Authority has a large investigations unit, but it creates very few cases. Once, things were different. Maybe people are more careful now; maybe the prosecution is more wary and opens fewer competition cases. It’s hard to say which. And, of course, the war has had a very major impact.”

“During the period of the judicial coup, I remember meeting with investors, who I knew from previous cases and who had previously prosecuted elected officials’ fraud, who were acting as security guards at the demonstration,” says one lawyer who also works in white-collar crime. At that time, she says, the police were using every resource available to maintain public order. “In the end, you need a strong officer as the head of the unit. That is the person who coordinates the whole issue and if they are not strong enough – and, at the same time, there are some bad appointments being made – then it’s obvious that it affects the whole system,” she adds.

“It’s not easy to sit in the interview room and to question a mayor when there are missile sirens outside,” Grossman says. “Along with many of their colleagues from the Lahav 433 unit, members of the National Fraud Unit were dragged into the traumatic task of interrogating terrorists who took part in the October 7 attack. Others were in charge of investigations into incidents that occurred in the Gaza envelope. The attention to and the manpower available for corruption cases have dropped. Just like there is a slowdown in every area of life, the same is happening in corruption investigations. On the other hand, there is never a vacuum in the criminal world. There will always be corruption, and it is eroding Israeli society from within.”

"The unit was even referred to as belonging to the attorney general or the prosecution because it handled so many high-profile investigations," says Eran Kamin, the former deputy head of the National Fraud Unit

The Ben-Gvir effect

In any discussion about such a significant drop in the number of political corruption investigations, it is impossible to ignore the personnel issue – namely: Itamar Ben-Gvir, who recently resigned as national security minister over the cease-fire agreement with Hamas. Having said that, it is important to stress that the government started to starve those police units dealing with fraud of funding long before his tenure began. For example, the move to concentrate all of the fraud units under one crime-fighting umbrella organization has led to significant reduction in the size of district units over the past decade.

Ben-Gvir took over as Minister of National Security when the current government took office in 2022, and he was determined to leave his mark on the police. In fact, we bragged about appointing officers who toed the line with his policies. Yigal Ben-Shalom, who recently stepped down as head of the police’s investigation and intelligence division, was not particularly prominent when it came to political corruption investigations. National Fraud Unit officers who had been part of major investigations in the past, including the cases currently being heard against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, were given the cold shoulder by their commanding officers, and were looked over for promotions and other positions. Assistant Commissioner Coresh Barnoor, the main investigator in the Netanyahu cases, also quit the police force recently, after he was sent for a cooling-off period at the police’s officer-training school. Similarly, Chief Superintendent Shlomo (Momi) Meshulam, one of the main investigators in the Netanyahu cases, and other officers, were not promoted.

“Since Ben-Gvir arrived, the police have put political corruption investigations to one side – and no one is eager to investigate,” says Sassy Gez, a senior criminal lawyer who also has wealth of experience with white-collar offenses. “I can feel officers’ lack of motivation when they understand that a certain investigation won’t lead to anything,” he adds.

“Officers understand that they shouldn’t waste their time with these investigations,” Kamin agrees. “They heard former police chief Kobi Shabtai interviewed in the media about this very subject – and they got the message. Whether or not Shabtai said it explicitly, in practice the message was that he does ‘not want to hear about these investigations since they do not advance the organization I am responsible for.’ Therefore, there’s no initiative on the intelligence level and I assume that fewer complaints are submitted. Fewer and fewer people believe in the police. It’s a body in which the system of appointments is such that, if you want to have any chance of being promoted, you first have to bow down to the minister. Obviously, anybody who investigates political corruption will not be promoted. I remind you of all the police officers who debased themselves for the minister and other politicians at their children’s weddings.”

At the same time, there are also lawyers who are currently busier than ever. The law firm of Amit Hadad, who is defending the prime minister, also represents a long list of politicians and others close to the government.

Everyone’s with Hadad

At the same time, there are also lawyers who are currently busier than ever. The law firm of Amit Hadad, who is defending the prime minister, also represents a long list of politicians and others close to the government.

“His firm became the one that accepts these cases,” says one colleague. “Once, the cases would be distributed among the top law firms in the country, but now everyone’s with Hadad: Netanyahu’s advisor, Jonatan Urich, has consulted with him [Urich’s name was linked to the leaked documents affair – R.S.], minister May Golan hired his services [Golan is suspected of crossing through a red light and hitting a cyclist – R.S.] and Miri Regev also turned to him after Channel 13 investigation.”

Another attorney who finds himself particularly busy these days is Jack Chen, who represents Shaul and Iris Elovitch, the owners of Bezeq who are among the defendants in Case 4000. Chen is aware of his colleague’s claims – but expresses surprise. “Why is the assumption that we are lacking cases? Why is the assumption that we are always surrounded by corruption, wickedness, and depravity? Maybe now the police is working as hard as they can, and the situation is actually normal? Maybe some investigations are destined not to be launched or get stuck because they were superfluous in the first place and should never have been launched? Maybe there’s a certain reduction in the number of complaints, but I do not know if it is statistically true that the National Fraud Unit is investigating less. It’s all just a feeling. I myself am currently representing the Prime Minister’s Chief of Staff, Tzachi Braverman [who is a suspect in the altered minutes affair – R.S.] – so there are cases.”

Asked about the current situation in general, Chen points an accusatory finger in the direction of the media. “I am not aware of a single case against a public official that was not the result of a media investigation. The media is one of the main sources of information for the police, alongside complaints. To a certain extent, we have to ask ourselves: Where are the investigations?”

Kamin agrees that the most significant cases that reached the National Fraud Unit over the past year were thanks to probes by journalists but says that we should be looking elsewhere. “You’ll notice that it took the police a long time to decide whether to make any raids and even in cases when they did, like the Foreign Ministry in the diplomatic passports affairs, there has been silence since then and you don’t hear a word about any developments. There’s a sense that they are dragging their feet – and so, too, is the prosecution.”

Another law-enforcement official with whom Shomrim spoke expressed their grave concerns over the trend of disappearing deterrence. “Because of the war, we are deep into the process of issuing tenders and there are billions of shekels that are about to be spent on infrastructure and rebuilding,” they say. “A culture of political corruption affects everything and could do damage in precisely those areas. I am extremely worried by the way that the law-enforcement bodies in these fields – the small fraud units and the National Fraud Unit – are being starved of resources; so, too, are the tax authorities and the economic crimes units, all of which was sucked into the cases against Netanyahu; from the anti money-laundering authority, which is barely functioning; and from the Securities Authority and the Competition Authority. It’s a linear issue and people do not understand how dramatic it is.”

The Israel Police and the State Attorney's Office did not respond to the article.