The annals of Justice Minister Yariv Levin's first six months in office, reveals an unprecedented window into his intricate web of meetings and engagements. Made possible by a freedom of information request led by Shomrim in partnership with the Movement for Freedom of Information, these records provide an expansive perspective on Levin's maneuvers amidst the ongoing judicial overhaul —a landscape marked by impassioned debate and intense scrutiny.

The meetings that Levin attended during this period, while he was advancing the judicial overhaul in the face of unprecedented protest, shed light on his ideological environment, the alliances he forged, his connections in the media and the centers of power that he is nurturing on a municipal level. The common thread running through all these meetings is the ideological echo chamber they create for the minister: Almost everyone that Levin came into contact with provided comfortable and convenient reinforcement for his ideas. Dialogue? Moderating the proposals? Broad agreement? According to his diary, Levin met only rarely with anyone whose worldview was different from his own and who could provide him with opposing views.

As Shomrim pointed out in an extensive report published in April 2023, Levin holds most of his meetings in the Knesset, where he apparently feels more at home than in his office at the Justice Ministry. Perhaps that is because of the unwanted – from his perspective – proximity of staff from the Attorney General’s Office, which is directly adjacent to his. Perhaps it’s because of his affection for discretion; this way, his critics are swallowed up in the corridors of the Knesset, which Levin often leaves after midnight – even on days when, according to his diary, his last meeting of the day (defined as a political meeting or one dealing with the reform) was at around 9 P.M.

The diary that was handed over to Shomrim ends on June 18, two days before the charged election for head of the Israel Bar Association – an election that was highly significant in terms of advancing his ideas. One of Levin’s more contentious demands is to annul the participation of Bar Association representatives on the Judicial Selection Committee. After Amit Becher was elected chair, the Likud Party submitted a bill proposing that the Israel Bar Association be replaced by a new body, to be called the Israel Council of Attorneys. The justice minister would be responsible for setting up this new body and most of its members would be appointed by the ruling coalition.

Although Levin cultivates the public image of someone who does not like publicity, he spends much time promoting his plans with journalists. On most of the occasions that Levin met with a member of the press, the name of the journalist did not appear in his diary. In total, there were 13 meetings with nameless “reporters,” in addition to meetings with Amir Segal, Yaakov Bardugo and Emanuel Rosen.

It is impossible to know how Levin conducted himself in the run-up to Election Day itself, which was accompanied by complaints by lawyers who said that there were unusually long waiting times to cast their votes. What we do know is that, since taking office, Levin has not met with Israel Bar Association chair Avi Himi – or with Becher, who was interim chair and Himi’s eventual successor. In fact, the only officials from the Israel Bar Association that Levin did meet with were Asher Axelrod, the Jerusalem district head of the Association, who was also the Otzma Yehudit representative in coalition talks with Likud, which Levin headed, and Eran Ben-Ami the head of the Association’s West Bank branch, who also presents a show on right-wing radio station Galei Israel.

It should be noted that the Justice Ministry’s Supervisor for the Provision of Information to the Public, attorney Vita Zak, who provided Shomrim with the diary, stated that “it is possible that some meetings appear in the diary that, in the end, the minister did not attend. The diary is not updated retroactively before it is published.” Zak’s full response, in Hebrew, can be found here.

Kohelet Policy Forum, MK Rotman and Haim Ramon

One of the key players in implementing Levin’s plan is MK Simcha Rotman, the Religious Zionism lawmaker who chairs the Knesset’s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, with whom Levin met no fewer than 18 times, according to the minister’s diary. These meetings are allocated a very generous timeslot in the diary – around one and a half hours each time. After one of his meetings with Rotman, Levin was subsequently scheduled to meet with Dr. Aviad Bakshi, Kohelet’s legal adviser. In total, Levin held seven one-on-one meetings with Bakshi, who was also one of the Likud representatives in negotiations between the coalition and the opposition that took place at the President's Residence. One of these meetings took place long before those negotiations, as also revealed by Haaretz – just four hours before Levin unveiled the so-called judicial reform on January 4, 2023.

Bakshi is not the only representative of Kohelet Policy Forum to appear in Levin’s diary. The justice minister also held two meetings with Forum’s founder and chairman Moshe Koppel. Levin’s fondness for Kohelet Policy Forum is also highlighted by a comment in his diary, saying, “Congratulate Dan Illouz in parliament.” Illouz, a new member of the Knesset representing Likud, worked for the forum for 10 years and was Levin’s advisor on legislative matters.

Another interesting figure with whom Levin met twice, according to his diary, is Haim Ramon – the former justice minister who is considered something of an oppositional figure in the legal system. In addition, the diary also shows that Ramon also participated in a meeting about the public relations aspect of the reform. That meeting was also attended by Bakshi, Dr. Raphael Bitton from the Sapir College School of Law, who is close to Levin and, along with Kohelet representatives, was one of the people who drafted the reform, advertising executive Gil Samsonov and the leader of the right-wing My Israel organization, Sara Ha'etzni-Cohen.

Although Levin cultivates the public image of someone who, to put it mildly, does not like publicity, he spends much time involved with public relations and promoting his plans with journalists. In addition to the above mentioned meeting, there was also a “Hasbara Meeting for the Judicial Reform” on January 24 at the office of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. Another “strategic meeting” to discuss the “judicial reform” was scheduled for January 30 at 9:15 P.M. in the Knesset. That day, Levin left the Knesset at 4:14 A.M.

On most of the occasions that Levin met with a member of the press, the name of the journalist did not appear in his diary. In total, there were 13 meetings with nameless “reporters,” in addition to meetings with Amir Segal, Yaakov Bardugo and Emanuel Rosen. Four days after he met with Levin, Segal published a report on the N12 news channel claiming that Levin was threatening to resign from his post if none of the elements of the judicial reform were approved by the Knesset by the end of the summer session.

Most of the interviews Levin has given have been for Channel 14, a fact that is reflected in his diary. Among others, the diary mentions interviews with Sharon Gal, Bardugo, Erel Segal and Yinon Magal’s “The Patriots” program. In addition, Levin gave interviews to Ayala Hasson, to conferences organized by the Yedioth Ahronoth and B'Sheva newspapers, and to radio hosts Noam Fathi and Yotam Zimri on Galei Israel.

A dozen meetings with the pardons chief

Turning attention to the interactions within Israel's judicial system, a careful examination of Levin's diary reveals intriguing patterns. In the early months of his tenure, Levin engaged in weekly meetings with Supreme Court, Chief Justice Esther Hayut, particularly in January and February. However, the frequency of these interactions waned in the subsequent months, with no meetings recorded in March and a mere four gatherings during the 10-week period from April to mid-June.

One of the key players in implementing Levin’s plan for judicial overhaul is MK Simcha Rotman, the Religious Zionism lawmaker who chairs the Knesset’s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, with whom Levin met no fewer than 18 times.

This shift in engagement begs the question: does the reduced frequency of meetings relate to the activity—or lack thereof—of the Judicial Selection Committee? Levin's spokesperson, Nachum Wolberg, provided insight, explaining that "meetings are scheduled between the offices as needed. Sometimes, more frequent meetings are necessary, because there are more items to be discussed, and sometimes meetings are held more infrequently." Despite the variations, the diary attests to a total of 10 substantive working sessions held between Levin and Israel's chief justice.

Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara emerged as another key figure in Levin's engagement landscape, as documented in the justice minister's diary. Their interactions unfolded in three installments: an initial introductory meeting when Levin assumed office, followed by subsequent sessions on February 28 and June 13. Interestingly, a discrepancy emerges when comparing Baharav-Miara's published diary, which indicated plans for four meetings with Levin in January alone. This paradox is clarified by Levin's spokesperson, attributing the inconsistency to a "malfunction when the file was exported." It's important to note that they, in fact, met five times within the first two months of Levin's tenure.

To provide context, a comparative lens is valuable. Baharav-Miara's published diaries reveal a staggering 24 scheduled meetings with Levin's predecessor, Gideon Sa’ar, over a span of six months—six of which occurred within Sa'ar's inaugural month in office. The diary of Amir Ohana, another former justice minister and current Speaker of the Knesset, depicts seven meetings with then-Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit during a five-month timeframe.

Furthermore, Levin's engagements within the attorney general's realm unveil noteworthy dynamics. Interactions were limited in number, with Avital Sompolinsky, the Deputy Attorney General for Public-Constitutional Law, under whose jurisdiction legislation related to the judicial reform falls, being engaged only once. In contrast, Levin interacted with Gilad Noam, the Deputy Attorney General for International Affairs, on three occasions for what were described as "diplomatic briefings." State Prosecutor Amit Eisman appeared in Levin's diary twice, with scheduled meetings in January and June.

A fascinating revelation emerges regarding the individual within the Justice Ministry who garnered the most attention from Levin—Limor Goldenberg-Haddad, the director of the Pardons Department. Their interactions were numerous, with a dozen meetings recorded. This frequency surpassed even those with other significant figures. Interestingly, political appointees in Levin's own office also claimed a substantial share of his attention. Prior to meetings with Goldenberg-Haddad, preparatory sessions were held with his political adviser, Ofer Kalich, and his chief of staff.

This raises a pertinent comparison with Levin's immediate predecessors. During Amir Ohana's first six months in office, he engaged in 11 meetings with the Pardons Department. In contrast, Gideon Sa’ar's diary reveals only six such meetings—an intriguing discrepancy in their interaction patterns.

In delving into the intricacies of Levin's interactions, his diary yields a tapestry of relationships, priorities, and strategic engagements. These meetings offer a multifaceted glimpse into his navigation of the complex landscape of judicial overhaul, where alliances and interactions shape the trajectory of his reform initiatives.

Levin met five times with Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara in the diaries time period, and only once with Avital Sompolinsky, the Deputy Attorney General for Public-Constitutional Law, under whose jurisdiction legislation related to the judicial reform falls.

The local leaders Levin met

Levin's engagement with Israel's academic elite paints a revealing picture. Notably, Levin's interactions within this sphere are sparse, with a single meeting capturing attention—a gathering with the Forum of Law Faculty Deans. This assembly presented a compromise proposal regarding the overhaul, suggesting a willingness to engage in dialogue.

However, the academics Levin encountered were less prominent figures. Among them is Dr. Raphael Bitton from the Sapir College School of Law, who has also been discussed as a potential Likud candidate for the Supreme Court. His meetings with Bitton occurred just prior to Levin's press conference unveiling the judicial overhaul, as well as in May. Further, Levin's diary entries reflect engagements with Dr. Shuki Segev from the Netanya Academic College School of Law, Prof. Limor Etzioni from the Academic Center for Law and Science, and Prof. (Emerita) Talia Einhorn from Ariel University. Einhorn notably addressed a right-wing demonstration in central Tel Aviv.

Levin's outreach extended to former judges, further illuminating his engagement strategy. In May, he met with David Rosen, known for presiding over the Holy Land trial of former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and serving as the Attorney General's Complaints Commissioner. In close succession, Levin also conferred with retired judge Oded Mudrik, who has expressed support for the reform cause in various interviews.

Another intriguing interaction is with Yaffa Ben-David, the secretary-general of the teacher’s union. This meeting holds significance as it followed Ben-David's daughter's wedding—a gathering attended by "the whole of the Likud leadership," according to former education minister Limor Livnat. In the aftermath of their conversation, Ben-David voiced assurances at a women's conference organized by Yedioth Ahronoth that educators' rights would remain unharmed by the judicial overhaul. This event also saw Ben-David's stance against political expression in classrooms and her criticism of reservists refusing to serve as a form of protest.

Among Levin's ministerial colleagues, intriguing patterns emerge from his diary. He held four meetings with Smotrich, of which two were tied to judicial reform. Following closely was Education Minister Yoav Kisch, aligned with the Levin camp within Likud, with three recorded meetings. Tourism and Sports Minister Miki Zohar engaged with Levin twice, while Defense Minister Yoav Gallant met with Levin only once, a month before Netanyahu's announcement of Gallant's dismissal.

A fascinating revelation emerges regarding the individual within the Justice Ministry who garnered the most attention from Levin—Limor Goldenberg-Haddad, the director of the Pardons Department. Their interactions were numerous, with a dozen meetings recorded.

Levin's engagements with right-wing activists are equally notable. On May 11, he met with Matan Peleg, the director of Im Tirtzu—a far-right organization known for holding demonstrations outside the home of Baharav-Miara. Levin also encountered former MK Michael Kleiner, president of the Likud's internal court, and Yishai Merling, head of the World Zionist Organization's Settlement Division, in two separate meetings.

Additionally, Levin's interactions with local and municipal leaders offer insight into his affiliations. His meetings with these figures, many of whom are closely aligned with Likud, reveal his attempts to exert influence. Levin's efforts to position Tomer Glam, deputy head of the Federation of Local Authorities in Israel and the mayor of Ashkelon, as head of Likud’s Municipal Committee stand out. This endeavor followed the removal of Haim Bibas due to a local authority strike protesting the Arnona Fund Law.

Levin's engagements extended to mayors, including those from Netivot, Sdot Negev Regional Council, Ofakim, Nahal Sorek Regional Council, and Lachish Regional Council. His itinerary even took him to the dedication of a new magistrate’s court in Katzrin, followed by meetings with Safed mayor Shuki Ohana and Kobi Eliraz, once an advisor to Netanyahu on settlement affairs and now a candidate for the head of the Binyamin Regional Council.

Finally, Levin's interactions with key political figures deserve attention. While his meetings with Ghaida Rinawie Zoabi and Nir Orbach—a duo whose resignation from the Bennett-Lapid government played a role in its downfall—are acknowledged, Levin's spokesperson declined to comment on specific meetings, noting that they had requested these interactions. Notably, in mid-July, Orbach was appointed head of the new Jewish National Identity Office within the Prime Minister's Office.

Among Levin's ministerial colleagues, Levin held four meetings with Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, of which two were tied to the judicial overhaul. Levin met Defense Minister Yoav Gallant only once, a month before Netanyahu's announcement of Gallant's dismissal.

Turning to President Isaac Herzog, pivotal in efforts to broker negotiations on judicial reform, Levin's diary portrays a series of meetings. The day after Levin's press conference unveiling reform details in January, he met with Herzog. Subsequently, meetings with U.S. Ambassador Tom Nides and his predecessor, David Friedman, took place in the Knesset. Levin also encountered Reuven Rivlin in April, a mere 10 days after the former Israeli president criticized Levin's proposed reforms in an interview with Yedioth Ahronoth.

A noteworthy detail highlights Levin's preparation for a right-wing rally in late April—two preparatory meetings with political advisor Ofer Kalich. This figure, mentioned as a participant in nearly every meeting Levin held since assuming office, underscores the strategic planning underlying Levin's engagement strategy.